So straightly bound

They would not listen to this; but they took the patriarch from the side of the king, and tied him to the pole of the pavilion with his hands behind his back, and so straightly bound that the said hands swelled to the size of his head and that the blood started from between the nails. The patriarch cried to the kens;“ Sire, for the love of God, swear without fear; for seeing that you intend to hold to your oath, I take upon my own soul whatsoever there may be of sin in the oath that you take! ” I know not how this matter of the oath was settled; but in the end the emirs held >„ themselves satisfied with the oath taken by the king, and by the other men of note there present.

EXECUTION OF THE TREATY DAMIETTA RESTORED TO THE SARACENS

As soon as the soldan was killed, they caused the instruments of the Soldan to be brought before the king’s tent; and it was told to the king that the emirs had had a great desire to make him Soldan of Babylon, and had held council thereon. And he asked me whether I thought he would have taken the kingdom of Babylon if it had been offered to him. And I told him that had he so taken it, he would have acted like a fool, seeing they had killed their lord; but he told me that in sooth he would not have refused it.

And you must know it was reported that this matter only remained where it was, and proceeded no further, because /^he Saracens said the king was the most steadfast Christian that could be found/ And they gave this as an example, .that when he issued from his tent, he put himself cross-wise ‘on the earth, and made the sign of the cross all over his body. And they said that if Mahomet had suffered them to be so maltreated, as the king had been, they would never have retained their belief in him; and they said further that if their people made the king to be Soldan, they would have to become Christians, or else he would put them all to death.

After the covenants between the king and the emirs had oden settled and sworn to, it was agreed that they should release us on the day after Ascension Day; and that so soon as Damietta was delivered over to the emirs, they would release the person of the king and of the men of note who were with him, as has been already said. On the Thursday at night (5th May 1250) those who were in charge of our four galleys came to anchor in the midst of the river, before the bridge of Damietta, and caused a pavilion to be pitched before the bridge, there where the king should land.

From the Count of Poitiers

The king had scarcely begun to move when he received several messages from the Count of Poitiers, his brother, and the Count of Flanders, and several other men of worth who had their forces there, all begging him not to move, because they were so hard pressed by the Turks that they could not follow him. The king summoned once more all the right worthy knights of his council, and all advised that he should wait. Shortly after, my Lord John of Valery came back, and blamed the king and his council for remaining where they were. On this all his counsellors advised that he should draw towards the river as the Lord of Valery advised.

At this moment the constable, my Lord Imbert of Beaujeu, came up to him and said that the Count of Artois, his brother, was defending himself in a house at Mansourah, and that he should go to his relief and succour him. And the king said, “ Constable, go before, and I will follow.” I said to the constable that I would be his knight, and he thanked me much. So we put ourselves in the way to go to Man sourah.

Then came to the constable a sergeant, a mace-bearer, all affeered, and told him that the king was stayed, and that the Turks had placed themselves between him and us. We turned, and saw that there were at least a thousand of them, and more, between him and us, and we were no more than six. Then I said to the constable, “ Lord, we cannot get to the king through these people, but let us go upward, and put this ditch that you see here between them and us, and so shall we be able to get back to the king.” The constable took my advice. And you may know that if the Turks had taken thought of us, they would certainly have killed us all; but they gave no thought to any save the king, and the big bodies of men; wherefore they fancied that we were on their side.

THE CHRISTIANS DRIVEN BACK ON THE RIVER BRIDGE DEFENDED BY JOINVILLE RETREAT OF THE COUNT OF BRITTANY FROM MANSOURAH

While we were returning down the bank of the river belween the streamlet and the river, we saw that the king was come nigh to the river, and that the Turks were driving back the king’s other battalions, slashing and striking with swords and maces; and they forced back the other battalions, with the king’s battalions, upon the river. The discomfiture was there so great that several of our people thought to pass over to the Duke of Burgundy, swimming; which they were unable to do, for their horses were weary, and the day had become very hot; so we saw, as we were coming down towards them, that the stream was covered with lances and shields, and wirh horses and men drowning and perishing customized daily istanbul tours.

We came to a little bridge that was over the streamlet, and I said to the constable, “ Let ns stay here, and guard this little bridge, for if we abandon it the Turks will fall on the king from this side, and if our people are attacked from two sides, it will go hard with them.” And we did so. And it was told to us afterwards that we should all have been lost that day, save for the king. For the Lord of Courtenay and my Lord John of Saillenay told me that six Turks had come to the king’s bridle and were leading him away captive, and that he alone delivered himself striking at them great strokes with his sword. And when his people saw how the king was defending himself, they took courage, and many of them abandoned thought of taking flight across the river, and drew to the king’s side to help him.

Right straight upon us, who were keeping the little bridge, came the Count Peter of Brittany, riding from Mansourah, and he had been wounded with a sword across the face, so that the blood ran into his mouth. He rode upon a fine, well- limbed horse. He had thrown the reins on the pummel of the saddle, and held it with his two hands so that his people, who were behind, and pressed sorely upon him, might not hustle him out of the path to the little bridge. Well did it seem how lightly he held them, for as he spat the blood out of his mouth, he said full often: Ha, by God’s head, have you ever seen such riff-raff! ” Behind his men came the Count of Soissons, and my Lord Peter of Neuville, who was called “ Caier,” and they both had received blows endow during that day.

THEODORE LASCARIS THE EMPEROR INVADES

TRUCE WITH THEODORE LASCARIS THE EMPEROR INVADES THE LANDS OF JOHANNIZZA

The Emperor Henry sojourned after this manner for five days in the meadow by Nicomedia. And while he was thus sojourning, Theodore Lascaris took messengers, and sent them to him, asking him to make a truce for two years, on condition that the emperor would suffer him to demolish Skiza and the fortress of the church of St. Sophia of Nico- media, while he, on his side, would yield up all the prisoners taken in the last victory, or at other times of whom he had a great many in his land.

Now the emperor took council with his people; and they said that they could not maintain two wars at the same time, and that it was better to suffer loss as proposed than suffer the loss of Adnanople, and the land on the other side of the straits; and moreover that they would (by agreeing to this truce) cause division between their enemies, viz. Johannizza, the King of Wallachia and Bulgaria and Theodore Tuscans, who were now friends, and helped one another in the war.

The matter was thus settled, and agreed to. Then the Emperor Henry summoned Peter of Bracieux from Skiza; and he came to him; and the Emperor Henry so wrought with him that he gave up Skiza into his hands, and the emperor delivered it to Theodore Lascaris to be demolished, as also the Church of St. Sophia of Nicomedia. So was the truce established, and so were the fortresses demolished. Thierri of Loos was given up, and all the other prisoners istanbul daily tours.

Then the Emperor Henry repaired to Constantinople, and undertook once more to go to Adrianople with as many men as he could collect. He assembled his host at Selymbria; and so much time had already passed that this did not take place till after the feast of St. John, in June (1207). And he rode day by day till he came to Adrianople, and en camped in the fields before the city. And those within the city, who had greatly desired his coming, went out to meet him in procession, and received him very gladly. And all the Greeks of the land came with them.

The emperor remained only one day before the city to see all the damage that Johannizza had done to the walls and towers, with mines and petraries; and these had worked great havoc to the city. And on the morrow he departed, and marched towards the country of Johannizza, and so marched for four days. On the fifth day he came to the foot of the mountain of Wallachia, to a city called Euloi, which Johannizza had newly repeopled with his folk. And when the people of the land saw the host coming, they abandoned the city, and fled into the mountains.

THE EMPEROR S FORAGERS SUFFER LOSS

In the end, the Emperor Henry sent Anseau of Cayeux to guard the foragers, and Eustace bis brother, and Thierri of Flanders, his nephew, and Walter of Escomai, and John Bliaud. Their four battalions went to guard the foragers, and entered into a land rough and mountainous. And when their people had overrun the land, and wished to return, they found the defiles very^well guarded. For the Walla- chians of the country had assembled, and fought against them, and did them great hurt, both to men and horses. Hardly were our men put to it to escape discomfiture; and the knights had, of necessity, to dismount and go on foot. But by God’s help they returned to the camp, though not without great loss and damage.

On the morrow the Emperor Henry, and the host of the French departed thence, and marched d&}r by day till they came to Adrianople; and they stored therein the com and other provisions that they brought with them. The emperor sojourned in the field before the city some fifteen days.

RECONCILIATION OF BALDWIN AND BONIFACE

On the fourth day the emperor knew clearly that he had been ill-advised to quarrel with the marquis, and then the Doge of Venice and Count Lewis came to speak to him and said: “ Sire, we would pray you to refer this matter to us, as the marquis has done.” And the emperor said he would do so right willingly. Then were envoys chosen to fetch the marquis, and bring him thither. Of these envoys one was Gervase of the Chatel, and the second Renier of Trit, and Geoffry, Marshal of Champagne the third, and the Doge of Venice sent two of his people.

The envoys rode day by day till they came to Demotica, and they found the marquis with the empress his wife, and a great number of right worthy people, and they told him how they had come to fetch him. Then did Geoffry the Marshal desire him to come to Constantinople, as he had promised, and make peace in such wise as might be settled by those in whose hands he had remitted his cause; and they promised him safe conduct, as also to those who might go with him.

Envoys to Constantinople

The marquis took counsel with his men. Some there were who agreed that he should go, and some who advised that he should not go. But the end of the debate was such that he went with the envoys to Constantinople, and took full a hundred knights with him; and they rode day by day till they came to Constantinople. Very gladly were they received in the city; and Count Lewis of Blois and Chartres, and the Doge of Venice went out to meet the marquis, together with many other right worthy people, for he was much loved in the host.

Then was a parliament assembled, and the covenants were rehearsed between the Emperor Baldwin and the Marquis Boniface; and Salonika was restored to Boniface, with the land, he placing Demotica, which he had seized, in the hands of Geoffry the Marshal of Champagne, who undertook to keep it till he heard, by accredited messenger, or letters duly sealed, that the marquis was seized of Salonika, when he would give back Demotica to the emperor, or to whomsoever the emperor might appoint. Thus was peace made between the emperor and the marquis, as you have heard. And great -was the joy thereof throughout the host, for out of this quarrel might very great evil have arisen,

ENTRY OF THE CRUSADERS INTO CONSTANTINOPLE CORONATION

“ Certes,” said the emperor, “ this covenant is very onerous, and I do not see how effect can be given to it; never the less, you have done us such sender, both to my son and to myself, that if we bestowed upon you the whole empire, you would have deserved it well.” Many words were then spoken in this sense and that, but, in the end, the father con firmed the covenants, as his son had confirmed them, by – oath and by charters with gold seals appended. These charters were delivered to the envoys. Then they took their leave of the Emperor Isaac, and went back to the host, and told the barons that they had fulfilled their mission.

ENTRY OF THE CRUSADERS INTO CONSTANTINOPLE CORONATION OF THE YOUNG ALEXIUS

Then did the barons mount their horses, and led the young man, with great rejoicings, into the city, to his father; and the Greeks opened the gate to him, and received him with very much rejoicing and great feasting. The joy of the father and of the son was very great, because of a long time they had not seen one another, and because, by God’s help and that of the pilgrims, they had passed from so great poverty and ruin to such high estate. Therefore the joy was great inside Constantinople; and also without, among the host of the pilgrims, because of the honour and victory that God had given them.

And on the morrow the emperor and his son also besought the counts and the barons, for God’s sake, to go and quarter themselves on the other side of the straits, toward Estanor and Galatas; for, if they quartered themselves in the city, it was to be feared that quarrels would ensue between them and the Greeks, and it might well chance that the city would be destroyed. And the counts and barons said that they had already served him in so many ways that they would not now refuse any request of his. So they went and quartered themselves on the other side, and sojourned there in peace and quiet, and with great store of good provisions.

Now you must know that many of those in the host went to see Constantinople, and the rich palaces and great churches, of which there were many, and all the great wealth of the city for never was there city that possessed so much. Of relics it does not behove me to speak, for at that day there were as many there as in all the rest of the world. Thus did the Greeks and French live in good fellowship in all things, both as regards trafficking and other matters.

Sicilian aristocrat

Thirteen centuries after Gregory, a Sicilian aristocrat who might well be a character out of Gregory’s letters told a not very miraculous story of his own great-grandfather. Giuseppe Tomasi di Lampedusa’s The Leopard (II Gattopardo) was written in the ruins of a great ancient family, in a time just after World War II when Sicily had seen all the depredations and few of the benefits of modernity. Lampedusa tells the story of the arrival of modernity, seen through the grim lucidity of the last dynastic prince of an old family, who greets the coming of Garibaldi and Garibaldi’s men with rueful intelligence. He knows that his nephew and heir is a wastrel and consigns him in marriage to the arms of a domineering upstart woman of transient beauty, recognizing what he cannot accept or change. Lampedusa’s prince harbors in his character the last of the polymathic sprezzatura of the Renaissance man, combining learning, libido, and a keen sense of the working of worldly power.

The disarray and political disunity

Gregory was like and unlike the prince, as fully sensible to the disasters that had visited his world, but with a lugubrious optimism that gave rise both to his grim determination to act and to his glad embrace of the miraculous and the untrue. The disarray and political disunity into which Italy had fallen in Gregory’s century would not begin to be healed until the revolutions of the nineteenth century, and it may reasonably be argued that the unification of Italy was not finally manifested until the power blackout of 2003—taken as the first genuinely national common experience shared by all of Italy and Sicily since the wars of Justinian.

Long after being recognized as a great administrator, spiritual leader, and writer, Gregory at his death was not universally mourned. He had imposed a monk’s spiritual discipline on the clergy and administration of the wealthy Roman church that many found unsettling. His immediate successors were at pains to forget him and his ascetic zeal, in favor of a more comfortable stewardship of church affairs. The influence of his writings tipped the balance in favor of Gregory’s memory, with the help of his mission to England. His reputation was always high among the heirs of his converting monks, and British and Irish readers ensured the preservation and dissemination of his works and his early biographies. All life is a temptation, as he kept quoting Job, and Gregory surmounted that temptation only in leaving this life.

In the end, Gregory the Great was wrong to anticipate the end of the world. It had already arrived.

Constantinople to Carthage

For his first decade, Heraclius stayed mainly at home, apart from one failed campaign in 613, and let his empire take its punishment. Desperation reached such a point that people said the emperor was thinking of moving his own headquarters, the capital of the remnants of empire, from Constantinople to Carthage. The thought that the Roman empire would find itself led now from the city of its ancient enemy, the city it had razed to the ground 750 years earlier, was too delicious for words. But it is reasonable to believe that Heraclius, raised in Carthage, would have been aware of the tactical possibilities of recruiting his forces from the west. He might have been smart to do so. To regain the advantage in the east, he bought his own peace in the Balkans, buying off the Avars for a time in 619. That was in the long run the real defeat, but these emperors in Constantinople were never able to discover that their long-term interests lay in the Balkans.

Predecessors and concentrated

Heraclius was wiser than most of his predecessors and concentrated his efforts in the 610s on rebuilding his army. Tradition ascribed to him the reorganization of civil government into “themes”—roughly, military recruiting districts—that after centuries would be made standard. The Byzantine empire was a stranger to irony, and none would sense it when the realm was organized into units whose functional purpose was to pro-vide soldiers in order to preserve the existing entity.

Despaired of, pressed hard, and finally becoming venturesome, Heraclius took the field in 621. For the first years of his wars, the issue remained in doubt. In the summer of 626 the Avars were at the gates of Constantinople in what could have been its last gasp, trapping the city while Heraclius and the main forces were away on the northern part of the Persian frontier, in Lazica, but the Persians’ attempts to cross the Bosporus and aid the Avars were repulsed by the Byzantine navy on August 10, and the Avars withdrew. There have been more famous battles in history, but few with greater lasting effect.